As a result, the economy of these communities are largely artificial.  Even where private businesses exist, ultimately they are dependent on the influx of taxation revenue from the Australian Government.  For example, the local store in Galiwin’ku is a commercially viable and profitable enterprise that successfully employs local Yolngu staff with wages at and above the industry standard (See ALPA website for their great work).  But ultimately, even businesses like this rely on customers whose income is almost entirely from Centrelink payments or from jobs in Government services, such as the clinic, Centrelink and the Shire council etc.  The other significant non-Government employers in many Arnhem Land communities are the Home Land Resource Centres. These centres run a variety of commercial enterprises, but again, rely on local customers’ welfare payments, or have contracts which come from Government grants and contracts, such as housing and infrastructure projects.  Seriously, if you lived in an Indigenous community your whole life, you should be forgiven for thinking that the whole country’s economy is based on Government handouts – this is the illusionary force that surrounds you as one continues to work in the “Indigenous Industry.”  If the Government suddenly stopped supporting Indigenous communities there would be a very limited monetary economy here.

The biggest source of income outside of the Government is land use royalties, for things such as mining, grazing and pearling, but like welfare payments these do not provide any meaningful employment for locals and are not managed by the people themselves.  These monies are controlled by the Land councils which in the NT, unlike the rest of Australia, are not locally controlled organisations, but statutory organisations that manage income from a huge expanse of  lands on behalf of the true land owners.  The Land councils struggle to determine who should control these monies according to the traditional Indigenous systems, and so tend to divide the profits amongst everyone who puts up a fight for it.  Due to the lack of connection between the payments and the land the monies come from, and the lack of control traditional owners have, these royalties become another form of “free” money.

As the most readily available sources of income are perceived as free money, many people have become trapped by dependency on such devalued income.  Their sense of motivation and power, and motivation to labour dwindles as they start to believe that accessing “free” money is the way one must survive today.  However, do not think that people are all hopelessly dependent or  just “bludging” – there are very limited jobs to go around, so people are forced to make do however they can. Welfare payments become the only option as life in the new world being constructed around them in these “growth towns”, is more and more dependent on access to money.

Workers making compost in a private family run market garden, an enterprise supported by the AHED Project

There are only a few areas of private enterprise that add real value to the local economy and also provide a fulfilling vocation.  These are mostly from the arts, crafts trade and knowledge industries, such as teaching, Indigenous knowledge, and research.  There is almost no primary production, with locally controlled market gardens just starting to become real possibilities (although hampered by the difficulties of finding a motivated workforce, and constant attempts by the DC to force community gardens on people).  This stands in stark contrast to the mission history when all the missions had thriving gardens.  A sustainable tourist industry is also only just starting to spread it wings.

What does this mean in monetary terms for the average household?   The average income in the community is roughly equivalent to a social security payment between about $300 – $480 a fortnight.  Pensioners and people receiving top ups on Community Development Employment Project  payments (CDEP, which is now a form of Newstart Centrelink payment and is being phased out) receive up to about $600 per fortnight in total.  This means on average, people are earning about one fifth to one quarter of the average Australian income ($60,000pa as at August 2010). Some families receive income in addition to this through royalty payments that are usually widely distributed.   This seems to be sufficient for most families to manage rent and buy food and basic items, when they are managing their budget well.  Those who manage their money well, have enough – but those that do not, struggle, and there are those who, for various reasons, have difficulty accessing income including Centrelink payments – who are truly poor.

We need to remember that the economy is not just about the money – the real ecomony involves the transfer and transformation of all valuables.  These include all forms of sweat (hard work and labour, including parenting), using land resources and primary production (growing things).   Many Yolŋu people contribute to the local economy through land management and harvesting traditional foods. For a few young men this is almost a full time job.  While money is rarely exchanged for Yolŋu food items,  the food is exchanged through reciprocal generosity and kin relationships.  Yolŋu native food items are highly valued and are important  contributions to the families’ real income and nutrition.  Significant local elders in Arnhem Land communities also contribute huge amounts of time to governance, dispute resolution and generally maintaining social order through Indigenous systems. This work is mostly devoted to the Indigenous domain – that part of Aboriginal communities that non-Indigenous personnel rarely participate in.  In addition to this some of them also participate, with difficulty, in the Dominant Culture governance system.  This energy is of huge value and is almost always unpaid, and thus remains an important labour contribution to the economy.

In painting this picture, I am not judging people’s use of money or suggesting they need higher incomes.  History show that when incomes increase rapidly in Indigenous communities, money tends to be devalued, creating dependency and even loss of purpose (see previous article).  My focus here is to ask how we can sensibly help people to develop the local economy under these conditions. The answer I believe is found in matching economic policy to support people’s real needs and motivations, while challenging welfare dependency.  This is the topic of the Part 3.

Media Release:   Tuesday  28/06/11

The Only Intervention Needed

“The only intervention needed in the Northern Territory is an intervention in communication” Richard Trudgen, author of Why Warriors Lie Down and Die, responds to the news that the Gillard Government will spend six weeks in talks with Indigenous leaders looking for new ideas to deal with the disadvantage that Aboriginal people in the Northern Territory experience.

“The Government needs to turn away from paternalistic programs and deliver real programs that empower the first Australians.

Right across the remote areas of Australia Aboriginal people, who speak an ‘original Australian language’ as their home language, are cut off from life saving and life changing information that other Australians receive in excess.” explains Richard.

For most of these Aboriginal people, English is still a very foreign language, which means that a visit to or from government authorities, service providers, or a trip to the doctor or hospital is a frightening and confusing experience of powerlessness. For their children, schooling is traumatic, dumbfounding and demeaning; resulting in young people having no hope for themselves in a world they cannot understand.

Even in important meetings with government or other statutory bodies, these first Australians are forced to receive information in English. This means they do not understand what is being said and due process cannot occur. They are deliberately locked out of the modern information era, leaving them to fill hospitals, jails, rehabilitation centres and unemployment queues and remain living on the fringe of Australian society, at a massive cost burden to the Australian community.

Witiyana Marika and Richard Trudgen play a Manikay (Songline) at Bridging the Gap seminars.

These Australians need news, current affairs, general and personal information in a language they can understand. Let’s level the playing field. They could receive information through language centres and radio services. Whole communities could learn to speak English through ‘learn English’ radio programs. Information programs in their language will close the gap permanently.

“How can feeding children in schools, creating a generation of super dependent young adults, ever close the gap? Let’s spend the public purse on programs that will change things for the good by giving all Australians access to good information. An intervention in communication would solve so many problems far more effectively!”

This is one of the issues that Richard Trudgen, Witiyana Marika and Dianne Gondarra address in their Bridging the Gap seminar series, held in capital cities around Australia. The next seminars will be held in Sydney, Brisbane and Darwin in October and November. See www.whywarriors.com.au to register.

For more information or interviews please ring Richard Trudgen (08) 8987 1664

Earlier this year, Navi Pillay, the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights came to Australia on her first official visit to discuss rights issues with the Government, the Australian Human Rights Commission, as well as Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander communities and non-governmental organizations. During her visit to Darwin, she met with Aboriginal leaders. Women from Galiwin’ku (Elcho Island, North East Arnhem Land) who are part of the Makarr Dhuni Forum wrote this letter together to Ms Pillay:

13th May 2011

Dear Navi Pillay,

RE: Yolngu Madayin Rom (sacred law) governing Yolngu women in North East Arnhem Land.

We the Yolngu  women of Galiwin’ku, North East Arnhem Land, Northern Territory, Australia wish to inform you of our opinions about women’s rights and responsibilities under our Yolngu law.

In our culture, the symbol of a woman is a sacred and holy dilli bag. This bag carries the law in the same way as a woman carries her child in her womb. Women therefore are carrying and maintaining the discipline, the moral teaching and the law in our community. For this reason women are very highly respected and seen as holy.  Their bodies are seen as sacred, as are their children according to the djalkirri rom (foundation law).

Nyomba Gandangu – wearing the dilly bag at the closing of the Yolngu Ngarra (Parliamentary sitting), before assenting to the law. Photo used with permission. Copyright Makarr Dhuni Forum

One of the practices that protects women and children is the relationship with our mother’s mother’s clan (mari pulu). This clan acts as an asylum or safe house for anyone who wishes to escape persecution or violence.  The perpetrators understand that they are not allowed to set foot in that area. The maris will act as a lawyer /mediator to resolve the issues. Another layer of this complex legal system involves the Djungaya (manager/facilitator) who polices the implementation of the resolution.

We are concerned that our Federal and Territory Governments are not acknowledging that we are still subject to our own djalkirri rom (foundation law) created by Wangarr (God) since time immemorial.  For this reason we wish to reassure you that there are many laws, practices and protocols that we must adhere to as strong Yolngu women according to the djalkirri rom. It is this law that provides safety and protection for all Yolngu. Yolngu law is within our body, our bones, our blood, connecting everything. It is sacred, as our lives and bodies are sacred, connecting us to the land.

We thank you for taking an interest in our situation and feel hopeful about your visit to Darwin.

Kind Regards,

Nyomba Gandangu

Co-chairperson of the Makarr Dhuni Forum (the second tier of the Yolngu Ngarra – Parliament, representing all of the clans of Elcho Island)

On behalf of The Makarr Dhuni Women’s Forum

To read Navi Pillay’s response to her visit to Australia, see: http://www.abc.net.au/news/2011-05-25/un-rights-chief-attacks-disturbing-policies/2730650

The AHED Project supports the Makarr Dhuni Forum

Why Warriors has been working to find ways to support Yolŋu people in economic development since we started in 2000.  Recently we started the AHED Project as a community based service to facilitate economic development controlled by the people.  It is from this experience that  I would like to explain some of the dynamics at play in the economics in the remote communities of Arnhem Land.  Not surprisingly, this discussion centres around the role of social security or welfare payments – the in-pouring of government monies. I also make suggestions about how in the current climate, government monies could be used more appropriately to support local development.

History in brief

The Macassan Trade

Let’s not forget that the Yolŋu people had a functional economy and system of trade prior to the arrival of Europeans.  In fact, the international trade relationship that existed between the Yolŋu and the Macassans (from today’s Indonesia) was highly prized by the British who attempted to monopolise this trade. When the Macassans refused to trade on British terms and continued to trade with the Yolŋu, eventually the South Australian Government prevented the Macassans from returning . Prior to European arrival when Aboriginal trade routes extended right across Australia, Macassan iron and steel was traded right through to the southern states.  Once this international trade was taken away from the Yolŋu, they were pushed onto the missions or cattle stations and could only work for rations.  In Galiwin’ku, in addition to the usual rations, people received weekly monetary payments enough to buy a tin of syrup.  Wages then gradually increased to about 10 pounds a week in Arnhem Land – still much lower than the award wage.  The compulsary  introduction of award wages that followed saw a dramatic increase in income for workers in the Arnhem Land communities – but it also resulted in a significant drop in the number of workers who could be paid on the existing income of the then missions.  It was similar or worse on the cattle stations, resulting in a rise in unemployment all around.  Families thus learnt in many cases to survive on the income of just one or two workers. However, because the income was considered high compared to the income they recieved prior to the award, there is little evidence that people felt they were only just surviving on their previous incomes; in fact many felt decidedly rich.

In some places, unemployment benefits were introduced not long after the award wage.  The funny thing is, it seems that the welfare payments were roughly equivalent to the wages received from the missions in east Arnhem Land prior to award wages.  So, suddenly people without work were receiving what was very recently considered a good wage … and for doing nothing.  So in this period we can see that economic rationalisations and policies were being implemented without considering the local economic circumstances or history.  In fact, in Arnhem Land many elders argued against the introduction of welfare payments, because, they argued, it would make people lazy and discourage those who were working.  The ill considered economic policy of  this self-determination period did exactly this – it undermined the incentive of the award wage and those who previously were gaining a sense of fulfilment in working hard for their family.  The additional impact to this was the influx of government workers and contractors through the 1980s, which ultimately displaced local jobs.  As a result local unemployment soared.

Not much has changed since then.  The main drivers behind the economy of remote Aboriginal communities has become, and remains, government monies – either in the form of Centrelink payments, or government grants and contracts.  It is largely an artificial economy. Understanding this better is the key to better economic policy for Indigenous communities – but more importantly, the key for Dominant Culture personnel to respond appropriately to local needs and initiatives.

In the next article I will place the economics of these remote communities in the context of the wider Australian economy and Yolŋu family life.

In a practical sense, homelands are like small villages that are varying distances from the main community centres. Government often refer to them as “outstations”. People living on their homelands are often living on their traditional home or estate. These are places that they own or they have significant rights to under the traditional systems of law. Generally people on homelands have more control over their own lives. Not surprisingly they have better health outcomes, there are far fewer social problems such as substance abuse, and homelands with schools have excellent attendance.

In most remote indigenous  communities the population  made up of people from many clans. Traditionally each clan had its own estate. When the missions first formed, people moved off their traditional lands and were required to live together in one place. Although unintended, this has created many complex problems.

The best way to understand the significance of a homeland to Yolngu people, is to hear it from them. Below is one Yolngu lady’s explanation of her connection to her homeland.

“We Yolngu people are connected to our ancestral estates like a tree is rooted deeply into the soil. When the roots of a tree and the soil recognise each other, the roots will grow ever deeper and stronger, and the tree grows strong and bears good fruit.”

“The missionaries pulled us up by the roots and placed us in the mission and onto soil that was foreign. Our roots could not grow into the mission soil, that soil does not recognise us, and our roots do not recognise that soil. Our roots would only stay in the surface soil. A tree may stay alive on unfamiliar and alien soil, but it will not find nourishment, it will be stunted and will not bear good fruit. We can be only strong and independent on our homelands; not in the mission; not in the “town”.

This was shared in a Yolngu Matha (language) class at CDU in Darwin. The Yolngu studies lecturer John Greatorex has shared his thoughts on homelands in an excellent document available at http://blogs.crikey.com.au/northern/2009/09/08/what-is-a-homeland-one-white-insider%E2%80%99s-view-a-guest-post-from-john-greatorex/

Johns reflections come from a wealth of experience and intimate connection with Yolngu people over the last 30 years. The above quote has been taken from his article, with permission.

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